Dan Puric – Cine Suntem. Antrenamentul de uitare la care este supus poporul roman, astazi, face ca gandirea si inima sa se roteasca pe loc si, din aceasta rotire. Cine Suntem (Romanian Text) [Dan Puric] on *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Antrenamentul de uitare la care este supus poporul roman. Best books like Cine suntem: #1 The Source of My Strength: Relying on the life- changing power of Jesus Christ to heal our wounded hearts #2 Deșertul pen.
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Dar exista o alta Romanie.
Books similar to Cine suntem
Orice popor are o virtualitate, orice popor are o dimensiune si o identitate care ies din contingent. Termenul de natiune este unul contingent. Xan este un construct istoric si unul politic.
Neamul are origine transcendenta, zice parintele Staniloaie. Trece prin istorie, prin meteorologia istoriei, si dainuieste. In sensul acesta, de dainuire, ce poate sa ofere poporul roman Comunitatii Europene?
Ce da el Comunitatii Europene? Eu vin si spun specialistului astuia in multiidentitate: Sunt 16 etnii acolo, care traiesc fara placute identitare. Ce-ar fi sa trimitem noi Europei un articol si sa purric Printr-un metabolism de asimilare istoric, in Dobrogea sunt tatari, evrei, armeni, greci, nu mai stiu cati altii, bulgari, albanezi.
Stau acolo si traiesc impreuna.
Dan Puric – Conferinta Iasi 17mar2008 – Cine suntem
Centralismul comunist a incercat sa-i egalizeze monoculturalismul facut de societatile comuniste nu l-am inventat noi, romanii. Dar, pe pufic, era o fibra comunicationala extraordinara. Care nu avea nevoie de nici o ideologie. Noi n-aveam nevoie de multiculturalism. Acum se discuta de un fel de identitate multipla. Adica, ma faci navetistplec dintr-o cultura in alta. Ma intreb de ce nu intra in Europa modelul dobrogean; unde unul manca pasca lui cu celalalt, oul de la Pasti il imparteau…, fara probleme ideologice.
Dupa atata patimire, poporul acesta are o tristete hristica. Caci tristetea hristica sunteem e deznadejde, este doar suspinul lui Dumnezeu privind catre omul cazut. Statutul fiintal al romanului ca tristete ontologica nu-l paralizeaza pe acesta in credinta sa, ci din contra, paradoxal, il intareste. Caci adevarata nadejde crestina nu inseamna suspendarea necazului prin asteptarea optimista, ci folosirea acesteia, a suferintei, ca poarta ce-l duce spre pragul mantuirii.
Felul acesta de a fi al romanului adevarat a spart zidurile inchisorilor comuniste, a spulberat piatra uitarii ce se asezase pe memoria pugic a acestui neam. Crestinismul omului romanesc s-a nascut dintr-o lumina aparte.
Omenia, ca dat stramosesc al acestui neam, a fost aeroportul pe care a aterizat lin credinta crestina si din aceasta imbinare de rai si de inger a lui Dumnezeu s-a nascut Gradina Maicii Domnului, numita Romania. Pkric ea a cazut necrutator, nedrept si barbar, istoria, iar dincolo de istorie, cu mult in afara ei, comunismul.
His media appearances weigh significantly in entertainment, through the role-playing, anecdotes, and jokes that he interprets; wuntem speech is destined to reach a heterogeneous, television-watching audience, being delivered either in talk-shows or in non-academic conferences; his loquacity and spontaneity have won him the sympathy of his public, therefore his definitions of Romanian national identity xine to the listener smoothly, almost subliminally, as if they were products being advertised for.
Who are we anymore?
His tendency is to exacerbate preeminent cultural and historical figures, to use sentimentalism and to make exaggerated use of metaphor, poetic language and quotes from various Romanian priests, poets, philosophers or Western postmodern thinkers and linguists. He considers his endeavor a vital exercise of anamnesis which should be done in order to regain the national conscience forgotten along the way. The movement appeared as a reaction to the democratic tolerance of urban influences upon the traditionally rural Romanian community, brought in by the Hungarian and Jewish minorities.
If we look at the present political discourses in Romania, national identity is defined, on the one hand, as opposed either to the Eastern Europe or Balkan identity, or to the Hungarian, Roma, Ukrainian or other ethnic minorities; it is assimilated, on the other hand, dann the Western European Union and to the United States. Puric excludes, in his concept of nationalism, the intolerance based on ethnic, religious or racial grounds, and he stands against adapting and applying external, foreign policies and social norms, practiced by other nations or communities, to Romania, situating himself against the official nationalist discourse and tendencies.
Perhaps intuitively, realizing the absence of a contemporary Romanian cultural nationalist, Puric adopted this posture. He is invited to prime time talk shows on national holidays, he keeps his conferences in the Hall cihe the Romanian Athenaeum, he reaches his audiences through various media; therefore, the counter-discourse offered by Puric which challenges the legitimacy of the official nationalist discourse becomes mainstream.
His ideology is a — sometimes paradoxical — mixture of conservative, radicalist and anarchist attitudes, out of which the predominant one seems to be the latter. For him, the foundational myth which has helped the Romanian people in surviving the deviant political systems is Christian, the Romanians being God-given under the holy sacrament and their land being named the Garden of Virgin Mary Puric suntme Given its transcendental and encompassing value, the neam is able not only to survive the superficial socio-political contracts, sumtem, unions, but also to escape them and generate a natural model of self-governance: There are 16 ethnicities living there with no identitarian labels.
Taking Dobrogea as a representative model for Romania is a faulty synecdoche, as it is sufficient to go up or left on the map in order to clash with the conflicts between Romanians and Rromas, Hungarians, and other ethnic groups.
It is common in nationalist discourses to offer a coherent version of history in order to achieve continuity and Puric tries to bridge the past and the projected future, as well; however, the downside of this technique is the omission or distortion of simple facts — not only are there mystifications and exaggerations of Romanian figures and events for the benefit of its image, but the selection of representative parts for the whole nation is, obviously, biased.
The communist past is completely separated from the natural evolution of events: He never mentions the Romanian people during the Communist regime as being active, but only passive; cruel things have happened to them, they were forced to endure, they were killed, tortured, they were the victims of external weapons.
Along with this unfortunate period came the following one, continued in the present. This time, the Romanian people are again the passive figures: Therefore, he opposes both the present and the recent past.
Unlike an anarchist, who would not praise any kind of alternative state or legal authority, Dan Puric turns to the Conservative Nationalist tradition of the 19 th century in an attempt to reassess the true values of the Romanians who only then have managed to surface, to be acknowledged and to shape the nation from within. He also shares with the conservatives the idea that a value should not be democratically prioritized, but it should be left to follow its own path and consider it as the basis for solid constructions.
He encourages the development of the neam, not the reinventing of its identity. His more materialistic, rational and analytical discourse on foreign affairs, diplomacy and global economy lacks, however, concrete alternatives of social and political practices which would permit Romania to cut off from foreign alliances.
Books like Cine suntem
Although his theories are the product of different, sometimes diverging ideological influences, the centrality of the Romanian neamthe focus on a God-given, transcendental community and the irrational manner of reassessing the archetypal connection between the Romanian people and their distinctness from the political authorities or unions suggest an anarchist choice of rhetoric. His speech is both theological, as he preaches for the redemption of the Romanian people and their embracing Christian values, and nationalistic, as he encourages people to become aware of their own collective national identity — of their language, faith, myths, literature, history — for their sntem survival as a neam.
Oxford University Press, Enter your email address to subscribe to this blog and receive notifications of new posts by email. The Seeker cultural studies. Nationalist Discourse in Contemporary Romania: El are ceva de oferit, de care Comunitatea Europeana nu are nevoie deocamdata.
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